Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen publicly denied his government has a policy on enforced disappearances to the National Assembly this week. In the same week, Police Inspector General Douglas Kanja faced his tenth habeas corpus summons, this time for Twaha Mwaipaya, as the Law Society of Kenya mobilised against the abduction of advocate Abshir Ahmedsadak Abdi. If enforced disappearances are not State policy, has the State lost control of its security agencies?

After one of the worst non-conflict massacres in independent Kenyan history, what guarantees do we have that, in convicted killer and preacher Paul Mackenzi’s own words, “kitawaramba”, it will not catch up with us again. What have learned?

Barely fourteen months after being forced into hiding by an unlawful police operation on his house, Ndiang'ui Kinyagia has been awarded Sh 5 million by the High Court. The ruling sets an important precedent for hundreds of protesters whose rights have also been violated. It must also lead us to ask, what is the financial cost of illegal policing practices and who should be liable?

This week’s 10 September ruling striking down the Community Groups Registration Act (2022) ends one of the major assaults on the right of communities to associate across Kenya’s 47 counties since the promulgation of the Constitution sixteen years ago.

Eight years, 42 witnesses, and a mountain of evidence culminated in the conviction of former Migori Governor Okoth Obado, Michael Oyamo, and Caspal Obiero for the killing of Sharon Otieno. Their upcoming sentencing has revived questions about justice for Sharon and her unborn child, the only people who will not be in court on 16 September.

What is more astonishing? Seven citizens allegedly abducted, unlawfully detained and tortured after a march honouring victims of police brutality on the International Day in Support of Victims of Torture or the Interior Principal Secretary insisting no enforced disappearances have taken place under President Ruto’s administration?

Now firmly etched in the national conscience, the second anniversary of 25 June 2024 was thankfully commemorated without fatalities and few injuries. The mothers of those we commemorated once again turned private grief into another historical moment of national resistance.

Listening to the State House speeches and reading the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights Reparations Framework, I agree with transitional justice expert Tina Alai’s observation. While the moment is significant, it is not yet historic. What clarity does the Framework offer victims and a nation traumatised by state violence and what must the State do next?

Mwabili Mwagodi's court arraignment, followed by the full acquittal of university student David Oaga Mokaya, shines a stronger spotlight on the misuse of the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act and an international instrument, Interpol’s Red Notice system, to stifle political expression

16 days of activism against gender-based violence ended on Wednesday, which was also International Human Rights Day. That horrific “initiation” gang rape in Meru reaffirmed how far we are from a society that keeps all women and girls dignified and safe. Less visible however, is how sexual violence and trauma that follows, affects Kenyan men and boys.

The High Court has struck down the President’s Panel of Experts on compensating victims of protest-related state violence. Survivors and families should not lose hope. Justice Edward Muriithi has outlined a fair path forward for all parties.

State House and Vigilance House appeared misaligned this week. A rise in civilian deaths in police custody and limited progress in the Baby Pendo case weeks after the Experts Panel on victim compensation was sworn in, raise serious doubts about the justice system’s commitment to public safety and accountability.