With the Aga Khan University's study on femicide related media coverage can we ask why the Gender-Based Violence Technical Working Group Report remains shelved in the Office of the Deputy President?

Kenyan citizens Nicholas Oyoo and Bob Njagi were abducted in broad daylight by uniformed officers in Kampala, Uganda’s capital city. Since then, they have simply vanished. Uganda’s police and military deny involvement, and the Kenyan government has gone silent. Are we witnessing a return to Idi Amin’s terror or does the 1986 NRM promise of justice and human rights have any legs left three months before the January 2026 general elections?

President Ruto’s announcement on 6 August to set up a panel to compensate victims of protest-related deaths (2017–2025) marks a new step in Kenya’s transitional justice journey. But does Kenya’s history suggest that reparations for victims of state violence are just a distant dream? They shouldn’t be. Here are some guiding six principles.

Although the arrests during protests and SUPKEM's report release on countering violent extremism may seem unrelated, the report’s findings offer useful lessons.

Hot on the heels of last week’s policy directive on the use of force and firearms, the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) released their extensive report on the June and July public protests this week. This week also, the National Council on the Administration of Justice and the Attorney General’s Forum held separate talks to review how Article 37 and the right to assembly could be realised. Could these efforts signal the season of deadly protests might finally b

With close to 1,500 people facing charges of terrorism, murder, robbery with violence, sexual assault and malicious damage, you would be forgiven for thinking Kenya is at war with itself. The last two weeks have seen a shift in police focus from public order and crime to the unprecedented use of anti-terror laws to suppress civil protests. What are the implications of looking at protests, demonstrations and public order through the lens of counter-terrorism?

Post Saba Saba day, allegations of an attempted coup, calls for police to shoot or maim looters, and mass arrests have raised serious concerns about the government's response to public dissent. How can the current tension be de-escalated?

By tabling the Public Order (Amendment) Bill 2025, ODM Nairobi Woman Representative Esther Passaris has stirred another national beehive. Critics argue the bill curtails the right to assembly and youth are now threatening to salamia her and MPs who support it. With fresh protests planned for Saba Saba Day on Monday, 7 July, what are the bill’s merits and drawbacks?

Tuesday’s street anarchy in Nairobi had me scrambling for dusty copies of the Commission on Inquiry, Ransley and Kriegler reports on 2007/2008 Post Election Violence. Within 72 hours, key figures accused of coordinating the mayhem had criticised the violence, some instigators had apologised, and several national and international voices had condemned the six hours of carnage. What happened to rapidly de-escalate the situation?

While some attempted to downplay the danger of using state security agencies to muzzle the Butere High School play recently, most recognised the threat it posed to our academic and artistic freedoms. This very issue continues to play out very dramatically in the United States, a country with a long history of academic freedom, in ways we can admire and emulate.

What can we learn from the 2024 youth led mass protests that significantly challenged state legitimacy in Bangladesh, Nigeria and Kenya?

2024 saw unprecedented strategic litigation around enforced appearances, arbitrary arrests and the right to assembly and expression.